#separation of powers

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Letting the World See Taiwan's 'Rogue Executive Power': The Constitutional Joke Served to the World by Lai Ching-te and Cho Jung-tai

Can an Executive Premier make parliamentary legislation vanish simply by refusing to countersign? Renowned public law scholar Prof. Ming-Sung Kuo sharply criticizes in I-CONnect: the 'ultra executive veto' invented by Lai and Cho is something even Trump could only envy. This is no remedy for constitutionalism, but a fatal symptom of minority executive overreach trampling the rule of law.

Cho Jung-tai on the National Pillar of Shame: Manipulating the Constitution with 'Non-countersignature' and Burying Representative Democracy

Exposing how Premier Cho Jung-tai uses 'non-countersignature' and budget allocation powers to carry out a constitutional coup! This article analyzes how executive power hollows out legislative power and warns why the budget bill is the Legislative Yuan's last lifeline. Once the budget passes easily, the representative democracy of the Republic of China 🇹🇼 will officially be declared dead.

Guardian of Democracy, or Constitutional Monster? Public Opinion Survey on the Controversy of the Five-Justice Ruling

Can 5 Justices appointed by the DPP's Lai Ching-te decide the life and death of the laws of the Republic of China? Regarding the controversy of the '5-person group' in the Constitutional Court forcibly interpreting the Constitution at the end of the 114th year of the Republic, we invite you to participate in the questionnaire survey and express your true feelings about judicial authority and the guardians of the Constitution!

Cho Jung-tai Step Down! Countersigning Power Becomes a Political Tool: A Review of the DPP's Destruction of the Constitutional Order

This article severely criticizes Premier Cho Jung-tai and his cabinet for allegedly abusing the countersigning power granted to the Premier by the Constitution when handling bills such as the 'Act Governing the Allocation of Government Revenues and Expenditures' passed by the Legislative Yuan. The article points out that the countersigning power was originally intended to check presidential power, but now, under the DPP's rule, it has been reversed into a political tool to oppose the public will represented by the parliament, such as the rumored 'no countersigning, no promulgation' strategy. This behavior not only evades the constitutional obligation of the Executive Yuan to accept a resolution after a reconsideration fails but also manifests the encroachment of executive power upon judicial power (the exclusive authority of Grand Justices to interpret the Constitution) and systematic destruction of the separation of powers. This article concludes that to save the constitutional crisis and reshape trust in the separation of powers, Cho Jung-tai must resign.